China After 1989 5

A first point was identified in the need to conduct political action within the framework of the certainty of the law; also on the basis of this assumption, the Assembly discussed a new text of the law on State security, a text which essentially proposed to cancel the term from the penal code A first point was identified in the need to conduct political action within the framework of the certainty of the law; also on the basis of this assumption, the Assembly discussed a new text of the law on State security, a text which essentially proposed to cancel the term from the penal code A first point was identified in the need to conduct political action within the framework of the certainty of the law; also on the basis of this assumption, the Assembly discussed a new text of the law on State security, a text which essentially proposed to cancel the term from the penal code counter-revolutionary to replace it with the expression attack on the security of the state. In fact, however, all the crimes that until that moment fell under the chapter of counter-revolutionary activity would remain in force. It was a partial but significant renunciation of the primacy of ideology exercised by the Communist Party up to that moment.

On September 12, 1997, the 15th Congress of the Communist Party opened in Beijing. It sanctioned the coronation, as a leading figure of the party after Deng’s death, of Jiang Zemin who, confirmed in all positions, in his speech to the congress attempted to reconcile the market system with the property system from a political point of view. public. The announcement of an imminent privatization of most of the small and medium-sized public companies had in fact deeply shaken the Chinese public opinion and also the international one. Jiang Zemin claimed that the state would firmly maintain control over the 1000slarger and strategically relevant companies and, in the same intervention, almost to dispel the specter of millions of civil servants who risked their jobs, ensured that the unemployment rate would never exceed 4 %. However, the streamlining policy would have also affected the People’s Liberation Army which, in view of a technological improvement of its equipment, would have decreased by 500 within 3 years. 000unity the number of its soldiers. In the whole debate that took place at the congress, the Tien An Men question found no space: the judgment of ‘counter-revolutionary’ with which the student movement had been branded at the time was not changed, nor was there any attempt to identify a guilty on which to lay the responsibility for the massacre.

According to APARENTINGBLOG, the devastating economic crisis that shook most of the countries of Southeast Asia in the summer of 1997saw the People’s Republic of China play a strong balancing role throughout the area. With its foreign exchange reserves, China was able to rescue the Hong Kong dollar and save it from the currency storm of the Asian stock exchanges, thus preventing the breaking of that link between the Hong Kong currency and the US dollar that was one of the keys. time of Asian interregional exchanges. In the autumn, Beijing offered its support to all the reconstruction plans launched by the International Monetary Fund and in November it made a loan of one billion dollars to both Thailand and Indonesia, two of the countries most affected by the crisis. But the strongest commitment of China was certainly that of avoiding the devaluation of the yuan in every way, in the awareness of the risk that a generalized and uncontrollable devaluation spiral would start, which would have caused serious crises in the stock exchanges and made all international aid useless.

When the National Assembly opened its doors in early March 1998, great news emerged on the Chinese political scene. Zhu Rongji was appointed prime minister, and, to the surprise of many Western observers, the mighty Qiao Shi was stripped of the post of chairman of the Assembly. His place was taken by the outgoing premier Li Peng. In the Assembly, which previously limited itself to playing a purely choreographic role in Chinese politics, the debate took on a decidedly different tone from the past: many of the delegates who came to Beijing for the occasion expressed their intention to fully fulfill their own task of stimulating and controlling government activities.

Meanwhile, in the context of difficult Sino-American relations, an FBI investigation in Washington in the last months of 1997 uncovered a scandal whose dimensions remained obscure. According to investigators, during the electoral campaign for the presidential election of 1996, President Clinton had received for his party a large sum of money (there was talk of 300. 000 dollars), whose provenance was Beijing. China flatly denied any involvement by claiming that she had no interest in interfering in American political life, but in May 1998one of the figures most involved in the scandal, the fundraiser J. Chung, confessed to the American authorities that he had received part of the sum that had reached the coffers of the Democrats directly from the hands of Lieutenant Colonel Liu Chaoying, of the People’s Liberation Army. Republicans harshly attacked the Clinton administration, accusing it of having sold the country to the Chinese.

China After 1989 5