In 1046 Henry III came to Italy. Serious problems were under discussion, especially of a political-ecclesiastical nature. Alongside and in the face of the prince’s good reform intentions, there is a growing desire to reform within the Church, between regular and secular clergy. Having taken the imperial crown in Rome, Henry III continued on to the south. And here, first he took Capua from the prince of Salerno, returning it for money to the ousted prince; then he arranged according to the interests of the Montecassino empire and placed a German abbot in S. Vincenzo al Volturno; then he invested the lands they owned by the Normans, Puglia and Campania and placed them in direct dependence on him. Even Benevento, who closed the doors to Henry in the face, left the emperor at the mercy of the Normans. It was a great step forward for the Normans. Having grown up in the shadow of the Apulian rebels and Lombard princes, they now proceed further, in the protection of kings and emperors, but with growing autonomy and a sense of mastery. The Altavillas lead. Dead Guglielmo and Umfredo, here are Roberto il Guiscardo and Ruggiero, men who are different and yet well-endowed, one and the other, the more political one, the more warrior, the one more intent on knotting and untying plots, maneuvering on the difficult terrain of Puglia , this to conquer Calabria and Sicily. In the midst of so many forces discredited or worn out after a violent friction of centuries, they, new people, not morally tied to anyone, not subordinate if not to their own, willing to serve everyone to serve only themselves, also capable, like all conquerors and subverters, to arouse some hopeful expectation, in the urban and rural populace, discontent with the old governments and the owners; they begin to represent the new reconstruction, the new unitary force.
According to itypeauto, new events promoted the rise of these lower social classes, of citizenships, of the Normans: events that belong to the history of Christian Europe and seem to transcend the political-social history of the peninsula. And yet they have some source of their own in this story and, in any case, they make a unique story with it for a few decades. We are referring to the reformist movement which is now accentuating itself and is starting the great struggle for investitures: both of them are particularly alive and agitated in Italy. That movement was already heralded, in the century. X, when bishops like Raterio of Verona and Attone of Vercelli, monks like Romualdo of Ravenna, hermits like San Nilo of Calabria, nurtured within themselves and spread around them the aspiration to a more severe monastic and church custom, to a cleric and a church freer from earthly quarrels and more aimed at religion. Meanwhile, in the monasteries of Lorraine and Burgundy, a rule of life was beginning to be implemented which then spread beyond the monastic world. Reform of decayed and corrupt monks and monasteries, first of all; later, from the end of the century. X onwards, ecclesiastical reform in the broad sense.
The evils that they complained largely derived from the church being submerged in worldliness, now suffocated in the coils of feudal society. Historical evolution, placing enormous landed assets in the hands of bishops and abbots, making them as many lords and heads of vassals, entrusting them with patrimonial and public jurisdictions, had also gradually corrupted the Church, urged the laity to seize these levers of command, permeate the church organism, suffocate it under a thousand incrustations. It was both economic and moral ruin. The politics of kings and emperors had its share of responsibility in the complained evils. And yet, it was believed in the beginning, by the reformers, that health could come from the kings and emperors themselves. Indeed, one can think that some ray of the halo that seemed to surround the head of the renewed emperors between the century. X and XI came from this confidence in their capacity for reform, from some concern or attempt at reform. Thus, in a particular way, Henry II, present with the pope at the Council of Pavia in 1022. But this meant ever greater interference in the affairs of the Church, a more complicated tangle of secular and ecclesiastical. And really, in the first half of that century, more and more bishops were creatures of the emperor, the popes were chosen or tolerated in relation to the guarantee of fidelity they provided, the goods of the churches were diverted in favor of the prince, trade was made of ecclesiastical offices, that is, simony was committed, active or passive accomplices of the Italian bishops. Henry III of Franconia, who,
It came to the election, first by Henry III, at the request of the Romans, then, in Rome, by the clergy and the people, as the canons and the ancient tradition of the church prescribed, of Brunone di Toul (Leo IX ), who left the ranks of reform advocates in Lorraine. Leo IX changed, removed simoniacal cardinals, reformed habits and systems of the curia, provided against concubinage and the marriage of priests.